Présentation : This course examines organizational and individual behaviours in organizations as well as management practices in business situations
involving cross-national/cross cultural relations. The objectives is to familiarize students with issues and reflexions on multinational/multicultural interactions
in the workplace. Based on a number of theories and cases, it is based on group discussion and work to raise students awareness and problem solving skills.
Duration: 20 hours
I - National cultures and management
The classical Hofstede' model
The Societal Analysis model
The renewal d'Iribarne Model
II - Issues/debates in cross-cultural management
Globalization and national cultures at work
Is there a cultural determination?
International business and ethics
from Locke's *Second Treatise of Government* (1690) to universal suffrage (1928)
Until fairly late into the nineteenth century, British rights of suffrage remained based on Aristotle's political theory of liberty and especially on the idea that only the propertied were capable of making long-term decisions for their nation. The aim of this course will be to analyse how the suffrage was based first on (landed) property qualifications to later embrace more humanist principles inherited from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. We shall see how John Locke's theories developed in *The Second Treatise of Government* in 1690 were taken up until well into the nineteenth century, but also how they were re-interpreted by Radicals from the French Revolution onwards to vindicate universal (male - more rarely male and female) suffrage. We shall pay particular attention to the nineteenth century: 7% of the population were entitled to vote before 1832, a figure that rose to almost 30% on the eve of the twentieth century.
This extension of the franchise is closely linked to the industrial revolution and to the pressing demands of first the industrial upper classes and then industrial labourers for the democratic right of taking part in elections - or in political institutions. The specific issue of women and property, and of women's voting rights, will also be addressed as it represented a major social feature of the nineteenth century, until they were granted the franchise on the same conditions as men in 1928. A session will focus on further twentieth-century developments with special attention to the lowering of the voting age from 21 to 18 years old, and to the real implementation of the "one-person-one-vote" principle in 1948. Eventually, we will focus on the contemporary questioning of universal suffrage.
Students will receive a booklet with key texts, chronologies and a detailed bibliography at the beginning of the course.
This class is designed as an introduction to the economic history of the Americas. It focuses on modern and contemporary history (from Independence to the present) and covers three broad topics :
- Economic Development
- Inter-American Relations
- Latin American trade Relations with Europe and China
Students will be introduced to recent scholarship on tourism, the informal sector, migration, globalization, etc. They will be expected to
1. read on their own
2. participate to classroom discussions on specific articles and book chapters
Recommended readings for the class include:
John W. Malsberger, James N. Marshall (eds) The American Economic History Reader. Documents and Readings. Routledge, 2008
Michael J. Larosa and German R. Mejia An Atlas and Survey of Latin American History. Armonk: ME Sharpe, 2007
In spite of (or possibly, because of) a number of common characteristics (e.g. former colonial and world powers ; great immigration countries ;comparable populations etc. ) Britain and France come across as eternal 'friendly enemies' in Europe. They are commonly described as being at odds with each other in many ways, notably as regards their handling of social issues. Their approaches to migration and, above all, integration illustrate that apparent, blatant opposition. On the one hand, Universalism, which is in keeping with the spirit of the French Revolution seems- at least, superficially- to be at odds with British differentialism. The French Republic, which arose in 1792 following the Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen in 1789 was built by the people, for the people. France's republican history is thereofre primarily a political construct of a community of citizens who are equal, regardless of their social, ethnic, religious or other backgrounds. During the French Revolution, Article I of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen targeted the division of the population into antagonistic social categories. So as to transcend those categories, the representatives of the French people decided to ignore specific affiliations in order to favour universal citizenship (Article 1 « Men are born and remain free and equal in rights. Social distinctions may be founded only upon the general good. » After several returns to monarchy and the shift to the Empire under Napoleon Ist and Napoleon IIIrd in the 19th century, universalism was revived under the Third Republic (from 1870 onward), an era of democratisation and progress .The same values were to prompt the adoption of the 1905 law on the Separation of the Churches and the State. Article I of the 1958 Constitution reasserts that universalism: France shall be an indivisible, secular, democratic and social Republic. It shall ensure the equality of all citizens before the law, without distinction of origin, race or religion. It shall respect all beliefs. » One may therefore easily understand the reluctance of France towards any form of quantitative ethnic monitoring (a reluctance compounded by the experience of Nazi occupation and of the Vichy Régime) or to put in place positive discrimination measures based on ethnic criteria (cf. Veil Committee's recommendation, December 2008) like those gradually introduced across the Channel from the mid 1960s onward.
The French Republic perceives itself as a universal model and proclaims that it is 'one and indivisible'. As a result, the national community is supposed to be made up of equal citizens, not separate communities, the only acceptable dichotomy being between nationals and non-nationals (i.e. citizens and non-citizens).
Differentialism, on the other hand, is an anthropological concept, whereby the existence of groups and the differences between them (whether gender, social, racial, ethnic or religious differences) are on the whole taken for granted and are not really questioned. A common characteristic of differentialism is that an individual's perceived belonging to a group tends to take precedence over his / her personal, objective characteristics .Differentialism proved a great influence in the colonial context. Indeed, the British saw themselves as fundamentally different from other nations, let alone other 'races', making assimilation pointless and useless. Unlike the French and the Spanish, the British focused on the mercantile motive and were hardly interested in converting 'pagans' to Christianity or in attempting to assimilate them along 'British lines'. This partly explains why they were so quick in conquering huge territories. Indeed religious officials in India e.g. did not perceive British colonisation as a threat, because of Britain's reliance on indirect rule, which proved terribly efficient and came in sharp contrast with the so-called direct rule system used by the French, notably in Algeria.
With the beginning of mass, post-war, non-European immigration, it became obvious that Britain's attitude to colonial immigrants and their descent was still influenced by differentialism, although there emerged a 'liberal' (i.e. progressive) form of differentialism in the 1960s, characterised by the adoption of a specific race relations legislation. New Commonwealth immigrants were no longer deemed inferior, but fundamentally different from the rest of the population, which explains why British integration policies were so different from French ones.
However, 'Liberal differentialism', to quote French historian and demographer Emmanuel Todd co-existed with its traditional colonial version, epitomised by Tory frontbencher Enoch Powell, whose notorious anti-immigration 'Rivers of Blood' speech (1968) - a strong indictment of New Commonwealth immigration and of anti-discriminatory legislation - gained him considerable public support, including among the traditionally Labour-voting working classes.
Although the opposition between both integration models is relevant to a vast extent, it can prove sterile and should certainly by nuanced, as will be shown in this course, which shall investigate immigration and integration policies in a trans-Channel perspective from 1930 to present. It shall be established that despite seemingly diverging routes the integration of 'minorities' or 'populations d'origine immigrée' - the use of different terms is by itself probably revealing and will have to be addressed - has produced rather similar results across the Channel, especially in recent decades.
5. Great Britain and the European Union
The aim of this course is to provide students with knowledge and insight into the complex relationship between Britain and the European Union, generally portrayed as a “wait and see” attitude on the part of the UK. After a brief reminder of the history of the EU, the focus will be on the British position regarding European policies (CAP, Euro, expansion v. integration), on its legal system, and on its political landscape.
Introduction: A brief history of the institutions of the EU/ a brief history of the 1973 membership
- The changing attitudes of political parties regarding the EU
- Britain and the Common Agricultural Policy
- Britain and the Euro
- The impact of membership on the English legal system
- The impact of membership on governing the UK: parliament, regional government, local government.
Conclusion: The debate on intergovernmentalism and supranationalism . Is Britain still an “awkward” partner?
The official websites of the EU are to be visited, in particular europa.eu
The advantages of membership for the UK are described interactively on the website www.the-eu-and-me.org.uk/
A syllabus will be handed out on the first class.
The course objectives in the English-speaking University Diploma are to pass along language tools that will allow students to communicate as quickly as possible in an everyday environment.
The course is in French-language medium using basic grammar as well as role-play for communicative competency, both of which are used in a progressive manner.
Diverse audio and visual aids will be used.